In analyzing a part of Venetian
culture, I believe it is important that the analyzer have an appreciation and
interest in the topic in order to fully understand the topic’s social value.
For that reason, I chose to write my socio-anthropological analysis on the
Venetian fish market. In his work, “Deep
Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight”, Clifford Geertz describes his and his
wife’s experience studying the Bali culture as anthropologists. At the start,
Geertz and his wife were “nonpersons, specters, invisible men” (1). However,
after their experience at the cock fight, they became accepted by the village.
So, in order to correctly analyze the fish market, I tried to blend into the
crowd of morning customers and walked around with open eyes and ears. At the
end of my analysis, I attempted to experience the culture rather than simply
observe it and purchased some fruit from the market. (I decided fish would not
be the best choice because I do not have a place to cook the raw meat.) I
believe my observation coupled with my participation in the market led to a
more complete analysis.
Venice’s fish market occurs just
past Rialto Bridge in a covered area next to the water. It is a busy area in
the mornings, but shuts down before most of the tourist traffic begins. The
most accurate description of the atmosphere of the fish market is Erving
Goffman’s classification of a “focused gathering”. According to Goffman, such
gatherings are defined as “a set of persons engrossed in a common flow of
activity and relating to one another in terms of that flow” (5). In the market,
there is a flow of buyers moving through the various stands to complete their
grocery shopping. At the same time, the sellers are preparing the seafood for
customers, collecting money, and perfecting presentation. The simultaneous
activities of buyers and sellers create an interdependence that drives the
market flow. The buyers are dependent on
the sellers and the sellers are dependent on the buyers; it is a mutualistic
relationship.
However, this relationship is
grounded in a hierarchical order on both the buyer and seller sides. Only
Venetians frequent the fish market. A few adventurous tourists or people living
in Venice for an extended period of time may be found wondering the market
area, but conversations at the fish market are all carried out in Italian
(specifically the Venetian dialect). Most customers are known by the seller,
and jovial conversations filled with laughter take place. It is clear when a
new or less frequent customer is ordering; the buyer-seller relationship is
strained and they are not attended to as quickly as regular customers. Part of
this is due to the fact that one must walk up to the table and ask to be
helped. Simply standing by the item you desire and waiting will get you nowhere. I saw several people standing and waiting to be helped get passed by a
woman who strode up to the stand with a purpose and authoritatively request her
seafood. In Venetian culture, relaxation time is valued. One should work hard
when it is time to work, so that relaxation and socialization time can be fully
utilized. With that in mind, Venetians are direct with what they need, so they
can move quickly through their tasks. Furthermore, I stood in front of the
shrimp for three minutes while there were no other customers, and did not
receive any service. In the hierarchy on the seller side of the relationship,
the owner of the stand has the most power. He reprimands his employees if they
take too long to get change or arrange the seafood in a manner that he does not
like. Within the employees, there are workers who serve customers, prepare the
seafood (scaling, cutting, etc.), and keep the area clean.
Beyond buyer-seller interactions,
let’s examine buyer-buyer and seller-seller associations along with the
competition present in these relationships. I observed no interaction between
customers. Each buyer moved around with regard only for themselves. No
suggestions on the best stand to get shrimp were offered, and morning
pleasantries were rarely exchanged. A similar, non-existent relationship exists
between sellers. In fact, there is an element of competition. Although vendors
already have established customers, they put a lot of effort into their
presentation to draw-in less-frequent buyers and new customers. Sellers have
their seafood laid out on ice, but more competitive vendors arrange the fish in
spirals and other designs, adding garnishes such as lettuce or kale to their
displays. Most vendors even sell live seafood, which is a staple for some buyers
and a definite attention grabber. After observing the five main vendors in the
fish market, I found that the booth with the largest selection and greatest
emphasis in display had the most business.
Considering the individual
relationships within the overall flow, I believe the fish market serves as a
work/business environment. Both the buyer and seller come to the market in a
task-oriented mindset. The buyer wants to purchase food to feed to themselves
or their family, and the vendor wants to sell their goods to make a profit.
Like in any workplace, there is a hierarchy in order to ensure that goals are
reached and tasks are accomplished. Venetians implement assertiveness in
ordering to complete their morning tasks in a timely manner, which allows for precious
afternoon socialization. Similarly, the boss of each booth orders his workers
to perform duties accurately and efficiently so that he will sell his product
and make a profit. Both parties enter into the market with specific goals, and
accomplish these goals through the hierarchy. Work is a necessary part of life,
which Venetians attempt to efficiently complete in the mornings. The lack of
tourists at the fish market indicates the difference between how tourists and
local Venetians utilize their time. In contrast to the Venetian’s strong
morning work ethic, tourists do not have a significant motivation to work and
enjoy their vacation with leisurely days.
The “vacation” attitude that
tourists exhibit represents the alternate time-space existence that they
inhabit. Tourists are not concerned with carrying out daily tasks for work, or
getting home in time to prepare dinner, time moves at a slower pace for them.
Therefore, their relationship with time, or temporality, is remarkably
different from that of the local Venetians. At the market, Venetians move efficiently.
Performing their daily responsibilities, the Venetians create the task-oriented
flow of the market. A stray tourist aimlessly wondering the market demonstrates
the temporality difference and stands out from the market’s naturally cyclic
flow.
Here is a link to a PDF of Geertz’s analysis for reference
or further reading.
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